11903.fb2 ГУЛаг Палестины - читать онлайн бесплатно полную версию книги . Страница 105

ГУЛаг Палестины - читать онлайн бесплатно полную версию книги . Страница 105

general. Nothing could change this attitude, no matter who is sitting in front of them... It was visually clear that such a

partial attitude could not be affected by their emotions, by compassion; or they rather had no emotions, no

compassion at all...

Please, read my wife's statement in Group of Documents # 4, Document # 2.

MY MOTHER.

Everything that corresponds to my children and my wife corresponds to my mother as well. If the commissioners had

no mercy towards the children and towards the woman, who suffered so much, then may be they expressed

compassion towards an old mother who might loose her single son (she told them that her younger son died) if we

would be removed to Israel? No, they had no shame before an old mother to use their unfair methods and

demonstrate no sign of a mercy!

ME

I am the very person, whom Israelis persecuted long before then I was taken to Israel (see Document #2). I was

taken to Israel by force, against my will (see Document #2, page 4, paragraphs 2.16., 2.17., and the NOTE).

When I was in Israel, Israeli State radio (RADIO RECA) called me in one of its auditions (3 December 1993, around

noon) "a racist." The radio correspondent Daniela Linor gave an opposite meaning to one of my articles (see

Supplements, Document # 27). In that article ("Israeli (Jewish) Apartheid") I denounced the discriminatory practice

of Israeli authorities against some of the ethnic minorities, including Buchara origins. If not my good relations with

some of the Buchara people and my attempts to help some of them to fight discrimination, I could be in a serious

danger. The community of Buchara is one of the most sensitive and united communities in Israel. This event was

already discussed during my immigration hearings, but the IRB committee did no comments. One newspaper

("Vremja", 5 September 1994, page 18), which published my article "Why Israel is against the Victory Day?", in its

comment called the public to destroy all my works and presented me as traitor and enemy. It was very well known

that this newspaper was by then close to the right opposition led by Mr. Netanyagu, and expressed its opinions (see

the original and its translation in Supplements, Document #28). IRB members did no comments to that, too.

The same newspaper ("Vremja", 1 August 1994, Supplements, Document # 29) placed an interview with me,

distorting my words and trying to discredit me. The interviewer, Mr. Mark Kotlarsky, was my friend, and I trusted him.

But he composed that interview in a humiliating manner, portraying me as a traitor, pathologically tiresome and stupid

person. Pretending to be half serious - half joking he told about me things, which he never discussed with me and

which could turn the whole anger of Israeli ultra-patriots against me. He had no personal reasons for that provocation

and it could be explained only by the involvement of the authorities. (This interview and circumstances, which

surrounded it, were discussed during my immigration hearings). During one of our immigration hearings Mrs.

J. Malka, the immigration officer, used non-conventional methods to distort the reason, why I presented this article,

and did not let me speak. In the same time, she used some information, which I shared with Mr. Mark Kotlarsky only.

In 1993, I was attacked in Tel-Aviv after my conversation with "MAARIV" and "Yidiot Achronot" correspondent,

Avraham Pelet. (See my refugee claim). Mrs. J. Malka's attitude towards this event and her "evaluation" of it was the

same: not to let me speak! Multiple attempts by the governmental structures to confront me with anger of the most

sensitive and dangerous in anger social and ethnic groups could lead to my death and were equal to assassination

attempts. Even here, in Montreal, Israelis threaten me through people, whom I knew in Israel (listen to the tapes of

my last immigration hearing), or via E-mails, or by telephone calls (see Document #30 of Supplements). I also

presented a letter from Israel to the Immigration Board. This letter also informed about such threats (see my file).

These threats are not jokes! To send such a person (who was considered by such a sensitive - towards ideological

opponent - state as Israel as an enemy) backmeans to sign him (me) a death penalty. Know that by sending me back

to Israel you would kill me! I am writing this just to remind you what you might be responsible for.

But Mrs. Malka several times threatened me directly during the hearings, one time even suggested that she will start a

legal procedure against me in civil (or - may be in criminal?) court.

But if even a politically motivated threat to my life could not exist, even then risk to my life could always exist in Israel

because a person like me could never accommodate in strictly regulated - ideologically, religiously, ethnically,

socially, politically, and military - society as Israeli. And it had to be evidently clear to the board! It clearly evaluated

from the refugee hearing procedures! I had innumerous incidents in Israel, which were already described in my

refugee claim. It had to be evidently clear to the IRB members (from the background of our conversation) that I could