When Leaders Fall
Wednesday, July 10, 2019 – New York
It was three days later before search parties spotted the Secretary-General's helicopter, forty-five miles off course and crumpled like tissue paper among a stand of trees southwest of Gujranwalfi, Pakistan. There were no survivors. It was the second time a Secretary-General of the United Nations had been lost in an aircraft crash, the first being Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjold in 1961, whose plane crashed in Northern Rhodesia (Zambia), killing all on board. The earlier crash, though tragic, hardly carried the impact on the world and its peoples as did the deaths of Jon Hansen and three members of the Security Council. In 1961 the position of Secretary-General, like the United Nations itself, had little if any influence on the lives of most people in the world. Now, it seemed, the world revolved around the United Nations, and its Secretary-General was at the center of it all.
Not since the assassination of the American President John Kennedy or the death of Princess Diana of England had there been such an international outpouring of emotion. At the United Nations, the General Assembly adjourned for two weeks to honor the man who had led them for nearly fifteen years through some of the most remarkable times in recorded history.
The members of Jon Hansen's staff struggled to get through each moment while attempting to carry out their duties. Few attempted to hide their tears as they spoke of him. It was not unusual to see small groups huddled closely together, weeping openly as they reminisced.
As much as anyone else, Decker Hawthorne grieved the loss of his boss and friend, but for Decker there was no time to commiserate with his colleagues. At this moment the world waited for him. As Director of Public Affairs, he had to put aside his own mourning in order to coordinate the funeral and numerous memorial events. His staff was inundated by calls from the press and from mourners wanting to share their grief. Thousands called requesting photographs of Hansen, and hundreds of dignitaries wanted to be included in the many memorial ceremonies. Of the latter group, each believed that Decker should take their call personally; and in many cases he did. Staying busy was probably the best thing for Decker at the time and he knew it.
But the lust for power never ceases, and it was during this period of mourning that Decker saw the first indications of the odious dealings that were afoot to replace Hansen. The once-united members of the Security Council each called upon Decker, requesting special favors with regard to the funeral or the ceremonies surrounding it. Canadian Ambassador Howell wanted to be the final speaker to eulogize Hansen at the funeral; the ambassador from Chad wanted to be seated near the center of the dais from which the speeches would be made; and the ambassador from Venezuela wanted to escort Hansen's widow. The request that angered Decker most was made by French Ambassador Albert Moore, who, though he had never said a kind word about Hansen while he was alive, now wanted to be a pall bearer for the Secretary-General. Worse, he also insisted that he be given the right lead position among the bearers. Though he wouldn't say why, Decker understood the reason: in that position, Moore hoped to be able to be most frequently seen by the television cameras.
As one of his more pleasant duties, Decker sent a limo to pick up Christopher at Kennedy Airport, but could not spare anyone to greet him. Christopher, like hundreds of other diplomats and hundreds of thousands of mourners, had come to New York for the funeral, filling the already crowded streets to capacity. In the sixteen years since the Disaster and the devastation of the Russian Federation, the population of the world had grown very quickly. Overall, world population was still more than a billion less than before the Disaster and the war, but one would not have guessed it to look at New York on this occasion.
As Decker emerged from his office after a long meeting, he called one of the senior secretaries to be sure that the limo had left to get Christopher.
"No sir," the secretary answered, quickly adding, "Alice Bernley called during your meeting and said she and former Assistant Secretary-General Milner would meet Director-General Goodman."
At Kennedy airport, Robert Milner and Alice Bernley waited patiently for Christopher's flight. When Christopher arrived he seemed genuinely pleased to see his mentor waiting for him at the gate and the two embraced in a warm, extended hug. "How are you, Mr. Secretary?" he asked.
"Just great, Christopher," he answered.
"And Ms. Bernley. It's so nice to see you again."
"How have you been? It's been nearly a year since I saw you last in Rome," Bernley said.
"Yes, it's been a very busy year. But what are you two doing here? I didn't expect a greeting party."
"Well," answered Bernley, "when we heard you were coming in, it just didn't seem right that you should have no one to greet you but a driver."
Christopher smiled. "I'm so glad to see you both. Thank you for making the effort."
"Besides," added Milner, now getting to an additional reason for the airport reception, "there are some things we need to discuss before your arrival at the U.N."
Christopher looked curious.
"We'll discuss it in the car, where we can talk more freely."
Once in the car, Alice Bernley reached for the switch that closed the tinted glass barrier between them and the driver. When the seal was made and their privacy ensured, Milner wasted no time getting to the matter at hand. "Christopher, it is the double curse of wars and politics that when a great leader falls, those who mourn most his loss must, at that very moment, also be most vigilant to defend against the encroachment of those who have lost the least and who see in our adversity an opportunity for their own gain. So it is, even at this moment of loss."
"It's started so soon?" Christopher asked.
"It has," Milner said. "There is more power up for grabs at this moment than at any single moment in world history. The first order of business for the U.N. will be for Europe and India to elect new members of the Security Council to replace the ambassadors who died with Hansen in the crash. In India there are two strong contenders including the current Alternate, Rajiv Advani, and the Indian prime minister, Nikhil Gandhi. Gandhi, who, as you know, is half Italian and was educated in the United States, is clearly more reasonable and would be easier to work with than Advani. But if Gandhi wins, which appears quite likely, Advani plans to return to India to run for prime minister. I don't know how familiar you are with Indian politics, but polls indicate that without Nikhil Gandhi to head it, the Congress Party's coalition will not be able to hold power. If the polls are right, Advani's Bharatiya Janata Party could win enough of a plurality of the five hundred and forty-five seats in the Lok Sabha (the Indian parliament) to easily form a solid coalition with a few of the minority parties. The Bharatiya Janata Party is a Hindu revivalist party which appeals to Hindu pride and has as one of its goals to revoke all privileges for the Muslim minority.
"So, while we would welcome Nikhil Gandhi's election as a member of the Security Council, if it results in the election of Rajiv Advani as India's prime minister, it will have come at a very expensive price. There can be no doubt that the hostilities between Hindus and Muslims in India will sharply increase under Advani, and the border tensions with Pakistan will grow even worse.
"In Europe the most likely candidates are Ambassador Valasquez of Spain and, of course, Ambassador Albert Moore of France. It's my guess that Moore has his eyes on something much bigger."
"Secretary-General?" Christopher asked. It was a rhetorical question: there was only one position more powerful than that of Primary member of the Security Council.
"Exactly," Milner answered.
"That's quite a jump from being an Alternate member of the Security Council." Christopher said. "He can't possibly think the Security Council is going to vote for a second consecutive Secretary-General from Europe."
"I didn't say it was likely he could win, just that that's what he's after… along with half a dozen other people, I should add."
Alice Bernley had been sitting quietly but it seemed to her that the conversation was getting off track. Milner continued, "Before the new Secretary-General is elected, there will be an election to replace the Alternate from North America and if either of the Alternates from India or Europe are elected to become Primary members, then there will be an election to replace them as well."
"Christopher," Milner said, growing even more serious, "Ambassador Moore has asked me to support his candidacy to replace the late Ambassador Heineman as the Primary member from Europe."
"You refused, of course."
"I told him I would."
"What?! But why?! Isn't Moore the very person you were talking about when you said we needed to defend against the encroachment of those who least mourned the loss of Secretary-General Hansen?"
"Yes. He is. But there is more to this than you may realize. As unfortunate as it may seem, Ambassador Moore will succeed in his bid to replace Ambassador Heineman on the Security Council; there is no way for us to prevent it."
"But, why?"
"Two reasons. First, as I said, the only other candidate capable of getting enough votes is Ambassador Valasquez of Spain. No one else has nearly enough support. Frankly, Valasquez is a fool to run against Moore. His closet is so full of skeletons that it's a miracle none of them has fallen out before this. As soon as Moore's people get around to investigating Valasquez's background they're bound to start uncovering something embarrassing. If they're smart they'll wait until the last minute and then get Valasquez to pull out, in exchange for not releasing the information to the press. At that late date, no one else will be able to mount a serious candidacy. The second reason is that, as you know, Alice has certain abilities, certain insights into the future, that come to her through her spirit guide, Master Djwlij Kajm."
Alice Bernley took this as her cue. "I am absolutely certain that Ambassador Moore will be elected as the Primary member from Europe to the Security Council. However, we must view this not as a loss, but as a short-term setback."
"And we must make the most of the situation; find a way to use it to our ultimate advantage," Milner added. "Since we know that Moore will be elected with or without my support, it is best that I offer him my support in exchange for something we want. That's where you come in, Christopher."
Christopher seemed a little unsure of the whole situation, but he was always quick to recover. "Whatever I can do to help, just let me know."
"Good," said Milner. "I was sure you'd have that attitude. Now, instead of going directly to the U.N. you will go first to the Italian Mission."
"As an Italian citizen, assigned to the U.N., I would do that anyway, as a courtesy to Ambassador Niccoli."
"Good. When you arrive at the Italian Mission you will be informed that three hours ago Ambassador Niccoli resigned his position as the Italian ambassador to the United Nations in order to pursue other interests."
"What?! What other interests?" interrupted Christopher.
"A very well-paid position as a director of the Banque of Rome. A bank in which, not coincidentally, David Bragford owns a twenty-two percent interest. But as I was saying," Milner continued, "at the Italian Mission you will be given a sealed packet and a message to immediately call the Italian president on their secure line. When you reach President Sabetini, he will direct you to open the packet. Inside you will find documents to be presented to the U.N. Credentials Committee naming you as the new Italian ambassador to the United Nations.
Christopher stared at Milner and then at Bernley. Bernley smiled, but for a moment no one spoke. Finally Christopher held his hands out in front of him, gesturing for them to stop. "Hold it a second," he said. Could you repeat the last part of that last sentence?"
"You heard me right, Christopher. You are going to be named the new Italian ambassador to the United Nations, assuming, of course, that you're willing."
"But this is crazy. I've only been an Italian citizen for five years."
"And for much of those five years," Milner answered, "I have devoted myself to preparing you and the people of Italy for this moment. That's why I urged you to become an Italian citizen in the first place."
"But how could you have known?"
"We did not know the specifics," Bernley answered. "Obviously, if we had known that Secretary-General Hansen was going to die, we would have tried to prevent it. But what I know and don't know about the future is not something I get to pick and choose."
"It did not take Alice's clairvoyance," Milner interjected, "to know that one day Hansen would step down. And when he did, we knew we would have to be prepared to preserve the advances he had made."
"I'm sorry," Christopher said, "but I still don't understand. Why would President Sabetini name me as the new ambassador? And why would the Primo Ministro agree?"
"There are several reasons," Milner said. "No doubt they like you and trust you. They believe you care about Italy and the Italian people. As for the president, my guess is that he is hoping that you will someday become his son-in-law."
"His son-in-law?! Why do people keep saying that? Tina and I are just friends," he said emphatically.
"That's fine, Christopher. I'm just listing a few possible reasons. But, doubtless, the biggest reason the president would name you as ambassador and that the prime minister would back his decision, is that Italy wants a voice on the Security Council."
"Hold it," Christopher said. "I think I've missed something. How does my becoming the Italian ambassador give Italy a voice on the Security Council?"
"That's why I have agreed to support Ambassador Moore's election as Europe's Primary on the Security Council," Milner answered. "Presently, five European nations have committed their support to him. For my part, I am to provide him with the three additional votes he'll need to be elected as Primary. In exchange for these three votes, Ambassador Moore will support my candidate to replace him as Alternate member. You, Christopher, will be my candidate. And that will give Italy its representation on the Security Council."
Christopher took a deep breath and shook his head in wonderment. "But how can you promise the votes of three countries?"
"Well, one of those votes will come from Italy; that is, from you," Milner answered.
"And the other two?"
"Christopher, Alice and I are not without some influence among the members of the U.N. I've quite a large number of chits which I may call. And Alice, well, let's just say that there are many people in the United Nations who greatly value her opinions."
They rode for the next few minutes in silence, but as they pulled up to Two United Nations Plaza where the Italian Mission is located, across the street from the U.N., Secretary Milner sought to reassure Christopher. "Christopher, I don't know what you're feeling right now, but let me assure you, you should not for a moment feel like this position was bought. In very few countries can ambassadorships still be bought and sold. Instead, you have been sold to the Italian president as the best person for the position and for Italy."
"Thank you, Mr. Secretary. I'm glad you put it that way. I just keep expecting to wake up and find out this whole conversation has been a dream, or maybe for someone to yell 'surprise' and tell me this is all a practical joke."
Milner knew Christopher well enough to know that no response was necessary, but Alice Bernley answered, "It's no joke, Christopher."
As Christopher got out of the car, he had one more thought, "I'm supposed to meet Decker in his office."
"I'll call and let him know you'll be late," Milner volunteered.
"Yeah, thanks, I'd appreciate that. But that's not what I'm thinking about. I'm wondering how I'm going to explain why I'm late."