Thorrington June 1069
It was late afternoon on Monday 29th June. Alan was sitting in the Hundred Court with Leofstan of Great and Little Holland and Edwold of Alresford at the Old Hall at Thorrington, dealing with a number of cases that had not been able to be heard at the usual Assize day two weeks before. The case currently before the court dealt with the disputed ownership of a cow. As it involved a villager from Thorrington, Leofstan was acting as Chief Judge.
West-Saxon law operated in a quite cumbersome manner, although usually effective. The free male population was divided into frithboghs each of ten men. The law acted by way of monetary compensation in which each man of the frithbogh was required to contribute his share of any compensation or fine if a member of the frithbogh was found guilty of a crime. They were also responsible for the accuracy of any sworn evidence given to the court by one of the frithbogh’s members. The guilty paid their bot, either as a fine or as compensation, depending on the offence. If they did not, for more serious offences they suffered mutilation or hanging and for less serious offences may be banished from the community. A man could literally get away with murder if he could pay his wergild, or that of his victim (whichever was the higher), in bot. For a gebur freeman or freewoman that was 200 shillings. For a thegn it was 1,200. No wergild was payable for slaves, but their owners received compensation equal to their value if they were killed or injured. These were massive amounts of money for men who usually measured their weekly income in pennies. All men were required to be in a tithing, usually of the same members as the frithbogh, which actively policed its members due to their collective responsibility for any breach of the law.
In small tight-knit communities, where few traveled further than the next village and a visit to the nearest town was a major undertaking, the system generally worked well. Everybody knew the litigants and the penalty for perjury was such that in a deeply religious society few would contemplate giving false oath. The prospect of being forever denied being shriven of their sins by a priest and on their death being buried in unconsecrated ground, resulting in eternal damnation to the lower reaches of hell, meant that evidence sworn before the court was usually very reliable regarding facts- although personal bias still needed to be considered.
Unfortunately, in civil cases such as current case the system was largely useless- not least because it failed to make provision for the status of women. A free woman had the same rights as a free man, but was not a member of a frithbogh as that was deemed unnecessary as women were rarely the instigators of the violence that West-Saxon law was designed to curb.
The differing status of Englishmen and the French or Normans also caused problems as each was subject to the different laws and penalties of their respective countries. Although he lived in England, owned land in England and had made that country his home, Alan himself was subject to Norman law. Generally the laws were similar, except for the compensation and frithbogh systems. Indeed, in the absence of a compensation system, the penalties under the Norman law were generally more severe in the rare instances that they were actually applied. A dispute involving men of both countries became full of very complex issues, not least being whether the Hundred Court would have jurisdiction or whether the matter required referral to the Shire Court, where the judges were a representative of the bishop and the sheriff.
The current case involved a man from Brightlingsea, who as a resident of a village belonging to the king would not normally be subject to the Hundred Court. His name was Bearn and he had brought an action against a woman of Thorrington called Ora, a middle-aged widow. Bearn claimed that a cow, one of three kept by her for milking as her sole source of income, belonged to him. One thing that has not changed over the millennia is that ‘possession is nine-tenths of the law’ and the onus was on Bearn to prove his case. Frankly, his case was not going well. Neither side had a lawyer, something for which that Alan was intensely grateful as he found their obfuscation and verbiage both tiresome and unhelpful. Bearn, as complainant, had opened the giving of evidence as was usual, with members of his frithbogh giving oath as to his honesty and integrity. He and several witnesses gave oath that he possessed half a dozen cows, that one had recently disappeared, that it was black with white markings and that after being told by another man about this cow at Thorrington he had traveled to the village and recognised it.
He gave the formal oath in the required terms. “By the Lord, I accuse not Ora either for hatred or for envy, or for unlawful lust of gain; nor know I anything soother; but as my informant to me said, and I myself in sooth believe, that she was the thief of my property.”
His case, seemingly initially quite strong, had started to fall apart as soon as Ora presented her case. She started with the formal oath denying the allegation “By the Lord, I am guiltless, both in deed and counsel, and of the charge of which Bearn accuses me.” Not being a member of a frithbogh she called the village headman Toland and his deputy Erian to give oath as to her trustworthiness and honesty. Half a dozen witnesses were called to say that since the time of her husband’s death two years previously that Ora had always had three cows, one of which was the cow in dispute. They recognised the cow, having often stood and spoken to Ora while she was milking the animal. Two swore that they had milked the beast themselves when Ora had fallen ill. Most telling, a man from Great Bentley gave evidence that he had sold such an animal to Ora’s husband not long before his death, although he could not swear that he recognised the beast. There was, of course, no documentary proof of the sale as neither vendor nor purchaser were able to write.
Ora concluded, reciting the required oath, “By the Lord, I was not at rede nor at deed, neither counsellor nor doer, where were unlawfully led away Bearn's cattle. But as I cattle have, so did I lawfully obtain it. And as I cattle have, so did it come to my own property and so it by folk-right my own possession is.”
Osmund, Alan’s clerk, had been carefully recording the proceedings verbatim. The three judges retired to the back room with Osmund, to consider the evidence and check several facts and the exact words used by some of the witnesses from Osmund’s rough draft of the transcript. As usual they partook of refreshments, including two quarts of ale apiece, as they considered their verdict.
“There’s no doubt but that Bearn believes his accusation true,” commented Edwold, “But I doubt not the evidence of Ora and her witnesses, even though most are women. She is a widow and a woman of good repute. She would neither steal a cow nor knowingly act as receiver of a stolen animal. More, she has shown that she has had the beast for two years. The cow is hers.”
Leofstan agreed and recommended that, while judgement should be given in favour of Ora, that no bot should be payable by Bearn for making false accusation. Alan, who had carefully avoided making any comment himself so far, as the woman was from his own village, agreed and they returned to the Hall where Leofstan announced the judgement, to the delight of one of the litigants and the chagrin of the other.
It was by then late afternoon, that case having been the third heard that day. Alan’s offer of hospitality to Leofstan and Edwold was accepted, with the three of them strolling to the Alan’s New Hall, Osmund trailing behind clutching a pile of books and rolled parchments, with a bag hanging from his shoulder carrying his pot of ink, quill and unused parchment.
On entering the Hall Alan ushered his guests to the head-table, located close to the unlit fire with its metal canopy and flue. The rushes on the floor had been recently changed and the summer sunlight streamed in through the glass-framed windows which were open to let in the cooling sea breeze. Huscarle Brand was already seated at the table, with a face like thunder and after a few moments Anne hurried in from the private rooms upstairs to welcome the guests. After a brief word of instruction a serving-wench hurried in with five quarts of ale and a pint of fruit-juice, the latter for Anne.
Brand had accompanied to Colchester the wagon loads of money and goods that paid the Hundred taxes due on Mid-Summer Day- 24th June, the Feast of the Nativity of St John. He and the other guards had then taken several days leave in the city, mainly spent drinking in taverns and whoring with ladies of negotiable virtue in houses of excellent repute. He waited until Osmund had taken his place before announcing, “I have ill news, my lord. Earl Waltheof has ridden north with 500 men. Many thegns from the midlands are also riding north. Harold’s bastard sons have raided from Ireland again, this time in Devon. They attacked Stanborough Hundred at the mouth of the River Tavy and were driven off by Count Brian and William Gualdi with the help of the local levies- as with the last raid they received no support from the locals.
“The Danes have raided Dover, taken or burnt most of the ships in the harbour, including the longships you gave to King William, and raided the countryside all about. The town walls kept them out. Then they went on to Sandwich and Canterbury. Merchant ships keep on disappearing off the south-east coast- five from Colchester and six from Ipswich in the last month. The crews of the cogs refuse to sail and goods brought from inland into the ports are piling up on the wharves. The merchants are whining and wringing their hands and claiming they are ruined. Longships were seen off Maldon two days ago.”
Alan exclaimed, “Holy Mary, Mother of God! Things move apace. The four children grow bold.” This was a reference to the fact that Earls Waltheof, Edgar and Morcar were all teenagers, as was Edgar the Aetheling- now crowned king by the Northumbrians in competition with William. “Leofstan and Edwold, we need to meet with the local thegns to discuss matters with them and prevent them from joining the rebels. Waltheof’s agents will soon be swarming to subvert the local men.”
Leofstan gave a small cough before saying, “You presume that myself and Edwold do not favour the English earls. Also, the agents were here last week, have had their say and gone.”
Alan frowned and replied, “Come on Leofstan! There’s no way on God’s Earth that four teenagers can arrange a successful rebellion, put an army in the field and lead it to victory against King William and his barons. The king, fitzOsbern, de Montfort, de Mandeville and the others have been leading armies and fighting and winning battles longer than the Aetheling and the other Earls have been alive. The earls lack the political savvy and the military knowledge to win. William will eat them for breakfast before spitting out their bones and taking an even tighter grasp of the reins!”
“Perhaps so,” said Edwold quietly. “But they have the sympathy of very many men. Not many are powerful men and not many have large retinues or experience of war- but the comprise many, many men. You’re right about lack of leadership. It is, for the English, a pity that all its capable earls except the Godwinsons were contemporaries, that Godwin, Siward, Leofric and Swein all died before Edward, and that Harold and his brothers perished in ’66. You are correct that there is no Englishman able to lead the battle. But some feel that a man must do what his conscience and loyalties dictate, irrespective of the probable outcome. And even if an Englishman can’t lead the battle, perhaps a Dane can. Swein Estrithson, the Danish king, has committed not only his ships but also his men to fight.”
Alan pulled a wry face and said, “Swein’s military record and that of the Danes is hardly in his favour. Harald of Norway and his men beat them like a drum every time they met, on the water or on the land. Yes, 4,000 Danes on the battlefield may make a difference, but if you think that if the rebels prevail that would mean an Englishman sits on the throne, I suggest that you are deluding yourself. Swein may not expect to sit on the throne himself, but I’m sure that one of his many sons is already polishing a crown in expectation.”
Leofstan gave a non-committal shrug and replied, “Perhaps you are correct. But what lies in the future is beyond the ability of any mortal to see, and most men just see that they are discontented with the present situation. I’m sure that the timing of Earl Waltheof’s ride north was influenced by the fact that this Quarter’s taxes were due on Mid-Summer Day. The taxes are again set high. Many cannot pay them and those who can are discontented to do so. High taxes at times of social discontent is not a good idea!”
“True enough,” said Alan with a nod of agreement. “I myself dislike paying the tax impost on my own lands, which are set in the same way as that payable by Englishmen, except I also have to provide troops to the king’s army.” After a slight pause he asked, “And where sit your swords, gentlemen?”
“My sword still sits firmly in its scabbard,” replied Leofstan. “You are perfectly correct in all you have said and in your assessment of the likely outcome of any rebellion. My head says to stand clear and follow your suggestion to remain aloof from the situation, supporting neither side. There is no gain to me but also no risk of loss. My heart says otherwise, but my head rules my heart.”
Edwold gave a nod of agreement and added, “However, this is a decision that each Englishman must make for himself and I will not involve myself in trying to entice the thegns and cheorls to any particular cause. I expect not a few men from East Anglia, including from Tendring Hundred, will march north to join the ‘rebels’, for good or ill.”
Alan paused and thought for a few moments. “I accept your comments and their truth. I have perhaps been expecting too much from a logical and dispassionate assessment by every man, but I’m glad to hear that for both of you logic and reason means we will not stand opposite each other on the field of battle. I also, now I have heard your thoughts, understand I should not place my men in a conflict of loyalties in which I may be the loser, and will ask for volunteers to join Hugh and Roger when the king musters his army to move north.”
“Not yourself?” asked Leofstan in surprise.
Alan shook his head and said, “No, with the Danes on the loose and a probable invasion of the Welsh Marches, my place is here. If the Danes land in Essex it will not be an action of brotherly love to raise further men to aid the cause of the Aetheling. They always land with sword in hand and murder in their eye, similar to the Welsh in the west. Am I right in presuming that if ten longships row up Alresford Creek and 500 Danes land, that the fyrdmen will come to my call?”
Both Leofstan and Edwold nodded immediately and both started to talk together before Edwold gave precedence to his more senior colleague. “Certainly,” said Leofstan. “The people of East Anglia have no love of the Danes and also no trust of them. They’ve raided hereabouts for hundreds of years with their longships. If Danes, Welsh or Normans threaten our Hundred, you can be sure that every fyrdman will answer your call. If it is an English army threatening, some will answer and some will not.” Leofstan paused and thought for a moment, gave a sigh and added, “Even if it was an English army, out of respect to you personally- not the king- you can expect my sword in your support. You are not my landrica, my lord, and have no claim on me or my lands and my men, but I will support you- not either king, as both have now been crowned.”
Alan nodded, reached across the table and grasped the forearm of Leofstan, saying nothing as a tear of emotion rose in his eye. After a pause in conversation of perhaps a minute the ever-practical Alan said, “The huscarles, soldiers and fyrdmen need to increase their training, for we all know that the Danes will come. I’ll hold my main strength to protect my own demesne and the other villages of the Hundred. My own two longships stand ready to do what they can and are properly manned.”
“And what of our esteemed colleagues, the Normans Gerard de Cholet of Elmstead, Roger de Montivilliers, Geoffrey of Rouen, both of Clacton, and Albyn of St Osyth? What will they do?” asked Edwold.
“De Cholet is actually a Frenchman and Albyn a Fleming. Probably both would object to being called Normans. It’s like calling an Englishman as being Welsh,” replied Alan. “Certainly, we Normans don’t appreciate French or Flemings being called Norman, particularly the wimpy French! I could also add to your list Engelric’s man Leax, an Englishman, for the lands he holds of St Paul’s Cathedral of London at Birch Hall. Who knows what instructions they will receive from their masters? I expect that Gerard, Roger, Geoffrey and Albyn and their men, nearly all Normans, French or Flemings, will be with the king’s army and not able to provide us with support. At least I hope so, as that will avoid considerable problems at the time!”
“You do appreciate that we English don’t like having foreigners, whether they be Norman, French or Flemings, as a neighbours?” asked Edwold.
“Indeed- but I would hope that you would also include Danes, Norwegians, Welsh and Scots in that category,” replied Alan. “To cry ‘England for the English’ is all well and good. But in the last thousand years or so, how many years has there been an English king? I would suggest less than half the time. And which English? Those of Saxon descent or those of Norse? You seem to be more interested in north and south fighting each other than fighting against a common foe. Others have viewed martial prowess highly. The Romans, the Angles, Saxons, Jutes and Vikings. More recently also the men under the control of what are now the kingdoms of Norway or Denmark. And now the Normans.
“I initially believed that there is little difference between what is happening now and what happened fifty years ago when Cnut conquered England and placed his own men in charge of the land. Englishmen, particularly Godwin, supported the foreign king whose main claim to the throne came from conquest. King William would make greater claim than that, but his claim can perhaps be denied on several grounds. But, like Cnut, his primary claim comes from victory and taking the throne by force. The people may not like William, just as I’m sure they didn’t like Cnut’s sovereignty, but his coronation and possession of the throne are facts. Edgar may have been elected by some recently to be king. But he was not crowned by either of the two archbishops. The English clergy follow the pope in supporting King William and the pope has issued the anathema of excommunication against William’s English foes. How many will stand against him in the face of eternal damnation? I know that such a penalty would give me considerable pause for thought!
“However, I have come to realise that the theory of the English maintaining their position is different to the reality of the situation. Yes, Earls Edwin, Morcar and Waltheof were confirmed in their lands, as was Edgar the Aetheling. Yes, many Englishmen retain their positions as stallers, shire reeves and town reeves. King William has created the position of sheriff, which isn’t quite the same as shire reeve as a sheriff has more authority. Yes, more than half the men appointed as sheriffs are English. The bishops, abbots and priors remain almost exactly as appointed by Edward the Confessor, although some of those are French or Norman. The Dooms, or laws, of Edward remain almost unchanged- apart from the damned murdrum fine! However, it has become clear to me that things are not what I would like to have believed. King William may not have deliberately acted to dispossess men, save for those who opposed him in battle, but he has implemented policies which make that result inevitable. The men he has raised up are, largely, capable and reasonably honest, but no have no plans. Government over the last two years has been by reaction, not by action, and every reaction angers the English more while their actions make the Normans more certain that they can’t trust the English. It has become a vicious cycle to which I can see no end!”
“As to your question about who would fight William in the face of the risk of excommunication, I say enough would do so,” replied Edwold. “These include some amongst the clergy. Harold and his army fought under anathema at Caldbec Hill and it was not carried out. I doubt that the pope would excommunicate the king of Denmark- and even if he did the Danes wouldn’t care. They’re mainly pagans. We will see what we will see, but like Leofric I don’t intend to raise my voice to call for support for either side. But I will ride and with all my men to defend our lands against any who threaten us. Norman, Dane or English. Others will make other choices.”
Alan inclined his head in acknowledgement and asked, “How can so many be so free with breaking their oaths?”
“Very few are, as very few have made oaths to break,” replied Edwold. Seeing Alan’s look of puzzlement he explained, “When you received your land from King William, you gave homage for it, did you not? You bound yourself to be William’s man, right or wrong. In England there were several hundred King’s Thegns who held land directly from the king and made oath to support him. Others, such as myself, hold land in landboc. We own it. We pay taxes on it. When we die our family pays a Heriot to continue to hold it, but we hold it as of right. We may commend ourselves to a greater thegn and obtain the benefit of his interest, but are free to choose which and to change as we wish. That thegn, the ealdorfrea, has no claim on us for military or financial support. Our only obligations are to the country, effectively to the Crown. Those who are not thegns- cheorls, sokemen and the like- may similarly own their land in landboc, or may hold it on laen for a period of time- usually three lifetimes. In return they either pay rent in money or goods or perform services on the owner’s land. They are free to leave the land and take up other land from another owner. Cottars simply hold a cottage and a small garden plot in return for labour services.
“Neither myself nor my ealdorfrea made any oath to William. We do not, to use the Norman terms, owe either homage or fealty to him. We also do not owe homage or fealty to our ealdorfrea, so even if he does have such liability to either the king or some other noble, I do not. That is why many men see themselves as free to join those who oppose King William. In doing so, they act on what they see is their best interests or where their honour lies and are not foresworn by doing so.”
Alan frowned, trying to absorb what was to him a difficult concept. “That may well be the case, although the English earls did swear formal fealty to William in return for keeping their own lands, in the Norman manner. Whether they understood the basis and effect of the oaths that they swore at that time I know not, but if they oppose him they will find that what a lord gives he can also take away, at whim. As for the rest, those who oppose William will feel the might of his displeasure irrespective of what they see as being their legal situation. William isn’t going to make the distinctions you just explained. Those who support William will be rewarded. For those like yourself, well, we’ll see whether or not treading a path of neutrality is possible. For the sake of all of us, I hope that it is.”
****
Alan called a muster of all his own men at arms in Tendring Hundred, held at the New Hall. The political situation was explained to them and that if they marched north they would likely be required to take to the field against the Aetheling and the young earls, or at the very least against their allies the Danes.
The response was less than enthusiastic, although the several of the leaders of the men made it clear that where Alan led they would follow “and kick in the gates of hell itself and kill Lucifer himself if needed” as one man extravagantly explained. After the raid two years previously, nobody had any concerns against killing Danes- a number of the soldiers had been recruited from the displaced refugees from villages destroyed and looted by the Danes. The atrocities visited on the villages on the south side of the Coln River, particularly in Lexden Hundred and Winstree Hundred, made certain that every man, woman and child would resist the Danes with every fibre in their body and support the man who had given them victory on that last occasion.
Brand made it clear to his men that he expected the huscarles, as professional soldiers, to follow their orders. Apart from himself, five other huscarles agreed to join an expedition force to be led by Hugh, as did three of the men in Hugh’s garrison at Great Oakley. Together with Roger, Baldwin and Warren from the garrison at Staunton-on-Wye that would allow Alan to meet his feudal quota, although he was sure that the king would be less than happy that he wasn’t sending his full strength. However, Alan’s main concern was in protecting his estates and the villages of Tendring Hundred, and since the king had refused to build a navy to challenge the Norsemen that meant that the locals could expect no assistance in the event that the Danes descended in force. By the time that any relieving force arrived the Danes would have slipped back to their ships, leaving behind them villages of smoldering ruins populated by corpses.
Alan had, several months previously, on receiving warning of danger from Bjorn, taken his own steps to protect what he had. As well as increasing the tempo of training and practice of his troops, he had also ensured that each man in the fyrd from his villages was properly armed, equipped and had at least the basic training that would give them a chance of survival against a professional warrior. He had increased the membership of the fyrd to include every fit free man, and many of the more willing lads, in each of his villages. In addition to a linden-wood shield that each man had himself made to a common pattern and the seax fighting knife each carried as of right as a free man, they had been provided with helmets of metal made in the English style and spears. Some wore byrnies of chain-mail for protection and carried swords- these taken from the Danes in their failed raid two years before. Most of the others wore byrnies made of scale-armour of boiled leather, with overlapping plates. These provided reasonable protection and, compared to chain-mail where each ring is riveted and joined to four others, the leather scale-armour was cheap and quick to make.
Alan’s armourer Gimm and his apprentice, with the assistance of the village smiths and their apprentices, had worked long and hard for several months. So had the fletchers- over 3,000 cloth-yard arrows, each 39 inches long, metal tipped and with flights of goose feathers, were sitting in barrels for use if required.
Not least amongst Alan’s preparations had been the work performed on the two longships which he still retained after their capture two years before. After sitting neglected on a mudbank on Alresford Creek near Thorrington for a year, they had been careened, suspect timbers replaced and recaulked with a mixture of moss soaked in tar hammered into the joints between the overlapping two inch thick planks that formed the strakes of the clinker-built hull. Both were typical snekke, with a length of about sixty feet and beam of about 9 feet. Being Danish ships they had a very shallow draught of less than 2 feet when unladen. If a man could stand with his knees covered in water, the ship would float. Norwegian ships were built with a slightly deeper draught, coming from a land of deep fiords rather than shallow sand flats.
The oars, ten a side with two rowers per oar, had been checked and several replaced. The oiled leather rowlocks for the oars had all been replaced. The masts, some thirty feet high and carrying a sail nearly forty feet wide, had been checked and new woolen sails made. The shields had been removed from the ship sides as these were only used on land. Alan had also installed a ballista in the bows of each ship.
Bjorn, the captain of the Zeelandt, now on the northern run from Narvik to Oostend, had arranged for two experienced Norwegian longship captains to join Alan’s service, Sven Knutson and Lars Erikson. Both were nephews of Bjorn, who had attested to their ability and claimed, “They can use their ‘sun stones’ and sail anywhere, and each have led nearly as many raids as I have.” Each ship had its Norwegian captain, five English sailors to handle the steering oar and the sails, forty rowers, who doubled as swordsmen, and ten trained longbowmen. There were also five men to crew the ballistae. The ships were the Havorn, the ‘Sea Eagle’, and the Alekrage, the ‘Cormorant’. The crews had been training together for close on a month and were starting to have the instinctive understanding and action needed in any situation.
When not in use the ships were hidden under a long row of weeping-willow trees on the bank of Alresford Creek, which acted as a living camouflage net.
Alan was again very angry with Edsel, the King’s Reeve at Brightlingsea, who had once again refused to participate in the communal defence activity despite the very important strategic location of the village on the north shore of the approaches to Colchester. The men of Brightlingsea had been noticeable by their absence at the victory two years before at Wivenhoe. Alan had made it clear that this time, if they did not support his efforts, they would stand alone if the Danes attacked their village. Indeed, he was so angry as to almost be prepared to burn the village himself.
Two days later Alan stood near the steering oar of Havorn as the ship was rowed quickly down Alresford Creek, followed closely by Alekrage. The captain was Sven Knutson, who was acting as helmsman. The Norwegian, short and stocky for a Viking but possessing the usual long blond hair and beard and piercing blue eyes, was standing balanced on widely-spread feet. Alan allowed his gaze to rest on Alekrage, admiring the simple beauty of her lines and the precision with which the ten oars a side dipped and rose as one. Lars Erikson, Alekrage’s captain and a huge bear of a man, was clearly visible at the stern of his ship as he barked out instructions. Sven was a taciturn man, not given to idle chatter and his shouted instructions were as brief as possible. Lars took a different approach to managing his crew- volubly chastising any infraction.
Looking forward along the length of Havorn Alan was surprised at how crowded the ship was. Forty men were pulling steadily on the oars. They faced towards the rear of the ship, the two rows of oarsmen occupying two-thirds of the width of the ship and leaving a narrow aisle down the centre. The small ballista, unique to Alan’s ships and specially built by him, occupied most of the small space in the bow. Ten archers found what space they could, mainly sitting in the aisle with wet bottoms from the inch or so of water that had either seeped in through the caulking or was left over from the last shower of rain.
The men all wore leather scale-armour at the insistence of Sven, who set an example. Danes and Norwegians usually wore chain-mail byrnies, although not always when at sea. Given Sven’s brief comment that not many men could swim in rough open seas wearing forty pounds or so of steel, most of the men had opted for armour made of boiled leather, which weighed about one-third of that. Along the saxboards, the sides of the ships, were tied the oarsmen’s personal weapons. These were cross-bows for use at distance, boarding pikes and both long and short swords. The archers kept their longbows with them, unstrung, along with sheaves of arrows. Two barrels of spare arrows sat before and abaft the mast. The yard and the woollen sail were currently lowered.
Alan marvelled at the military force packed into such a small hull, barely twenty paces long by three wide, and the way that the light, swift and manoeuvrable ships could project power at long distances and at great speed. King William was a man who had fought all his battles on land against foes who travelled on foot or horseback. His lack of understanding of the importance of a strong naval force to protect coastal trade and repel raiders was something that irked Alan. He wished that he could have more than two ships. He could afford to buy them, but the manning requirements of fifty or more men per ship made such a plan impossible. The men he did have were fyrdmen, fishermen and farmers from the sea-side villages, who usually spent one day a week in training. Alan had doubled that at the moment to two days and the current day’s training was to take advantage of the strong southerly winds that had the sea forming a short chop with waves up to six feet high and a short swell.
As soon as they left the shelter of Alresford Creek the boat began to pitch up and down as the men rowed into the wind. The motion disturbed the rhythm of the rowing, with oarsmen ‘catching crabs’ and having their oars skim across the surface in the troughs and bite too deeply on the crests. Sven became animated for the first time that Alan had seen him, shouting curses and directions at the oarsmen, telling them to watch each wave and adjust the depth of their stroke while maintaining rhythm. Alan went amidships and stood next to the mast, wrapping one arm around it to maintain his balance.
Once the ship was a mile offshore Sven turned west, putting the longship side-on to the wind and waves. The motion increased dramatically as the ship rolled and plunged like a berserk horse. Sven’s shouted imprecations grew even hotter and more personal, with many references to mothers and their marital status. The sailing crew were instructed to raise and lower the sail several times, oarsmen assisting with pulling on the ropes that controlled the mast and yard. The mast itself was raised and lowered repeatedly, the kerling and the mast-fish being man-handled into and out of place with the activity disturbing the adjacent rowers. The ship’s motion had made a number of men ill. Some had been able to find a place at the side, while others were forced to vomit where they sat. Alan had difficulty in controlling his own stomach as the ship rose and fell and rolled side to side.
With the mast lowered and the oarsmen at work Sven then ordered an empty barrel thrown over the side. The archers stood and tried to maintain their footing as the ship plunged and rolled and the bowmen tried to shoot at a moving target from a moving shooting position. Next the oarsmen were given the opportunity to use their cross-bows before Sven ordered the ballista crew into action. They were ordered only to use plain iron bolts without Alan’s secret incendiary mixture called ‘Wildfire’, similar to Greek Fire, as the motion of the ship made it likely that the mixture would be dropped and their own ship burned instead of the target. The ballista crew were surprisingly accurate out to three hundred yards. While the target barrel was hit only once, at least a third of the shots would have hit a ship sixty feet long. The flat trajectory and the velocity of the bolt meant that when the target was in the sights a quick release of the bolt would see it usually strike home before the target had moved or disappeared into a wave trough, and that unlike arrows the wind hardly affected the aim. The archers were then given another opportunity for nearly an hour, before Sven ordered the oars on one side of the ship stilled for a few moments and pointed the ship towards home. He could have sailed most of the way back, but insisted on the men rowing as part of the objective of the training cruise was to have the oarsmen fit and able to row all day.
When they returned to the head of Alresford Creek, some half mile from Thorrington, the tide was half out, exposing a large mudflat that the men had to struggle through, up to their knees in thick black mud, to reach the shore. Sven had left four men on board with instructions to properly moor the ship when the tide returned. As he and Alan squelched their way home he commented, “Not bad. They’re improving and will give the Danes a run for their money. They’re farmers most of the year as well, not like us Norwegians. We had difficult conditions today and they didn’t do too badly. In good conditions the longbowmen and the ballista will be a real surprise for the Danes. Your men may not be as good as Vikings, but they are as good as the Danes!”