'Ah!' Eco understood the need for secrecy and nodded. 'That man from the city.'
'The very one. But we mustn't ignore today's guest,' I said. Eco acknowledged Claudia with a bow of his head.
'Oh, Eco, how lovely to see you,' crooned Claudia. Our brief conversation had given her time to recover her composure. 'What news from the city?'
'Actually…' Eco looked uncertain. I could tell in a glance that news from the city was precisely the reason he had come to visit me, but what he had to say was not for other ears. He blinked and I saw that he had quickly calculated how much he could say without saying too much. 'Actually, that's why I'm here. The atmosphere has been tense and unsettled in Rome all summer — as I suppose you must already know.'
'Oh, yes, my cousins have been predicting trouble ever since the election,' said Claudia.
"Then your cousins could find work as soothsayers,' said Eco. It was a facetious comment, but Claudia was not amused. The mill had set her on edge.
'There's talk in the city of armed revolution,' he went on. 'Cicero has got the Senate to vote him emergency powers — what they call the Extreme Decree in Defence of the State.'
'Ah, yes, the decree our ancestors created sixty years ago to get rid of that rabble-rouser Gaius Gracchus,' said Claudia with a bit of relish.
I nodded gravely. 'Gaius Gracchus was killed by a mob in the street while the laws against murder were temporarily suspended. Is that what they're planning for Catilina?'
'Nobody knows,' said Eco. "The decree is vague. Essentially it gives the consuls powers over life and death that would otherwise have to be granted by the people's Assembly — power to raise an army and send it to battle, and the right to apply what they call unlimited force against citizens in order to protect the state.'
'In other words, the Optimates in the Senate have circumvented any moderating influence that might have been wielded by the people's Assembly,' I said.
'And why not?' said Claudia. 'When the state's security is threatened, there must be recourse to extreme decrees. It's only a pity that such power should rail to a New Man like Cicero, who hardly deserves the honour and whose family background could scarcely have prepared him for the responsibility.'
'However that may be,' said Eco 'everyone knows Cicero's fellow consul Antonius is useless. If anything, he's in sympathy with Catilina. ‘ Which means everything falls on Cicero's shoulders.'
'Or into his lap,' I said.
Eco nodded. 'At this moment, in theory at least, Cicero has more power than any man since Sulla was dictator.'
'Then Cicero finally has what he wants,' I said. 'Sole ruler of Rome!'
'Well, if he can rid us of Catilina once and for all, then he deserves the post,' said Claudia. 'What other news, Eco?'
'Rumours of war. Catilina's general, Manlius, has openly mobilized his troops up in Faesulae. There's also talk of slave revolts, instigated by Catilina, of course. One in Apulia, another in Capua—'
'Capua? Where Spartacus started his uprising!' said Claudia, her eyes widening.
Eco nodded. 'All gladiatorial schools throughout Italy have been ordered to lock away their weapons and disperse their gladiators to other farms in chains. That was one of Cicero's first acts under the Extreme Decree.'
'To stir up memories of Spartacus!' I said ruefully. It was a clever move, to keep the people frightened and to solidify his support. The terror and chaos of the Spartacan revolt was fresh in everyone's memory. Thus, in a time of declared crisis, who could possibly be against breaking up the gladiator schools — even if they were in no way involved, and the only reason to draw attention to them at all was to stir up panic? At the same time, the association served to identify the impeccably patrician Catilina with a rebellious Thracian slave. I began to see what Catilina meant when he spoke of Cicero and his thunderbolts.
'Meanwhile, charges have been brought against Catilina.'
'Again? What sort of charges?'I said.
'Something more serious than bribery or embezzlement. One of the Optimates has indicted him under the Plautian Law against political violence.'
'And Catilina's response?'
'Uncharacteristically meek. He's voluntarily placed himself under house arrest at the home of a friend. That means he won't be leaving Rome.' Eco looked at me meaningfully.
'Good,' I said, automatically, as one shakes one's hands after washing them. The news disturbed me more than I cared to admit, but my own involvement might at last be over.
'Good!' echoed Claudia. 'Perhaps the whole matter can be settled without bloodshed. If Catilina can be tried and sent into exile, maybe his band of rabble will dissolve back into the mud. Cut off the head and the body withers!'
'Odd,' I said. 'I was thinking of the same metaphor.'
Claudia left us shortly afterwards, saying she would have to share the news with her cousins and learn if they had news of their own. Once we were alone, at his insistence, I showed Eco the mechanism of the water mill, but it seemed to me that the intricacies of what was happening in Rome were far more complex and, in spite of my aversion, fascinating.
That night, after dinner, we gathered in the atrium. The night was cool, but the sky was clear. At the turning of the seasons the fountain had been drained and a brazier put in its place. We sat in a circle around the fire. Meto joined us. I had made a point of asking him to stay and listen, but it had not been appreciated; the look on his face indicated that he found my efforts to include him merely condescending. Bethesda joined us after putting Diana to bed. The mood of impending crisis had penetrated even her catlike composure to pique her curiosity.
"This is the situation,' said Eco. "The Senate is raising an army to send against Manlius up in Faesulae, to join battle in Etruria or at least to keep Manlius from marching on Rome. In Rome the garrison has been put on alert, with extra night watches set all over the city. Catilina is under house arrest, but his fellow conspirators are all free; Cicero has no evidence against them There may or may not be an uprising in the city. There may or may not be a battle or several battles between the Senate's forces and those of Manlius. There may or may not be other uprisings elsewhere in Italy.'
'Is the Senate really in danger?' said Meto.
He asked the question of Eco and seemed disappointed when Eco deferred to me. 'Everywhere in Italy there is poverty, indebtedness, and forced enslavement due to bankruptcy,' I said. 'Our family has been favoured by Fortune, not to mention the will of Lucius Claudius, to rise rather than fall in the world at such a time, but all around us simple citizens starve, while proud nobles find themselves dispossessed and unable to rise again. The few possess great wealth and power, which they dispense in stingy increments to the many who struggle to survive. The corruption of those in power is naked for all to see. Men long for change, and know that they will never have it so long as the Optimates maintain their unshakable grip on the Senate. Can Catilina and his allies ignite a general revolution? Obviously the Senate believes it is possible, or else they would never have voted the Extreme Decree to give the consul extraordinary powers.' I spread my hands before the flames. 'How Cicero must relish the grave honour his colleagues have bestowed upon him! Was their gesture of faith in him spontaneous, I wonder, or did Cicero pull a few strings to manage the vote?'
'Yes, Papa,' admitted Eco, flinching at the sarcasm in my voice, 'you can be sure that Cicero lobbied hard for the passage of the Extreme Decree. The cooperation of the Senate was helped along by the anonymous letters that Cicero introduced into the debate.'
'Letters? You haven't mentioned these before.'
'No? I suppose I was watching my tongue around Claudia. On the evening before Cicero requested that the Senate pass the Extreme Decree, he was paid a visit by several distinguished citizens, among them Crassus. They came knocking on his door at midnight, demanding that his slaves rouse Cicero from his bed. It seems that each of these men had received anonymous letters that night, warning of impending bloodshed.'
'How did these letters arrive?'
'By a messenger whose face was hidden. He handed the rolled letters to the doorkeepers and departed without a word. The letter to Crassus addressed him by name, but was unsigned. It read: "In a few days all the rich and powerful men of Rome shall be slaughtered. Flee while you can! This warning is a favour to you, from a friend. Do not ignore it." '
'And Crassus brought this letter to Cicero?'
'Yes, as did several others, who had received them the same night. Well, you can see that such a letter put Crassus in a compromising position. He's under suspicion already for his past associations with Catilina as well as his own shady political dealings. There are those who think he's a part of this conspiracy, perhaps even one of the powers behind it. To avert suspicion, he brought the letter to Cicero at once, disavowing any knowledge of its origin or the impending bloodshed of which it gave warning.'
'But these letters were unsigned?'
'Anonymous, yes. Of course everyone assumes they came from someone close to Catilina.'
'Which is exactly what they're meant to assume.'
'But who else could have sent them?' said Eco.
'Who, indeed? Who would stand to profit by stirring up panic among the powerful, while at the same time ascertaining the position of a man like Crassus? And it was largely due to this incident that Cicero was able to convince the Senate to pass the Extreme Decree?'
"That, along with word that Manlius was about to put his army into the field.'
'Knowledge of which came from—'
'From Cicero and his informers. And of course there were the rumours of planned slave uprisings—' 'Rumours, you say, not reports?'