Las Vegas, Nevada
January, 2013
As the year 2012 ended, the state of California had entered into a twenty-four month countdown toward secession from the United States of America. Despite considerable opposition from state and national political leaders over the past eighteen months, a U.S. Supreme Court ruling that it was unconstitutional, and a brief, but violent military confrontation in Sacramento that the press had dubbed The Battle of Capital Mall, the people had spoken-three times, actually-at the polls. Preparation for the formation of the Republic of California began in earnest. The date for implementation was January 1, 2015.
California Governor Walter Dewhirst, initially a staunch opponent of the secession, had responded to his constituents’ demands and called for international recognition of his new nation. Mexico, along with half a dozen other sovereign Pacific Rim nations, had responded affirmatively.
The previous August, when secession seemed imminent, Daniel Rawlings, a young, newly elected state legislator from Davis, California, had found himself immersed in both a secret presidential task force investigating the origins of the secession movement and a gubernatorial assignment to draft the new California constitution. For several months, he had wrestled with the dichotomy of the two assignments: one to stop the secession, and one to prepare for its eventuality.
Even the discovery by the presidential task force that the elections had been rigged, electronically, by a group of corporate financiers for whom the secession was a means to an end, did nothing to stop the steamroller effect. Convinced by the false vote tally that their fellow citizens were in favor of secession, the people demanded freedom. Freedom from Washington D.C. and burdensome taxation; freedom from confiscatory redistribution of wealth; freedom from myriad government regulations that invaded areas that most people knew were historically private: religious affiliation, sexual preference and even medical records. And freedom, when the judicial system was stacked against them, meant separation. Even in a state known for its liberal, ‘anything goes’ philosophy, enough was enough. The conservative voters, along with the vast array of independent middle-of-the-roaders, had overwhelmed the activist liberals and made history at the polls.
Rawlings and the task force had discovered one of life’s truths: no matter the fallacy of the origin or the deception perpetrated in the process, the end result was the determining factor in public acceptance of change. The decision of President Clarene Prescott, following the assassination of her predecessor, Bill Eastman, not to reveal the source or even the presence of a fraudulent election, put the final confirmation to the issue. Legally achieved or not, California was on the road to secession, and so far, no one in national power had agreed to use military force to stop it.
A month before the November 2012 presidential election, in an effort to broaden his understanding of America’s founding principles, Rawlings had contacted The Montclair Advocacy, a prestigious political think tank in California with a known conservative persuasion. Dan also solicited the assistance of other outside sources, including Horatio Julius, his former law professor at Stanford and a renowned constitutional scholar.
Several meetings with Professor Julius and principal officers and analysts at Montclair gave Rawlings an entirely new perspective. In fairly quick order, these learned scholars opened Dan’s eyes to various philosophical components of the existing national Constitution that were intended by America’s Founding Fathers, but which had been abandoned. More importantly, their presentation of how these various components of governance had become corrupted over the ensuing two centuries by the political adoption of progressive philosophy that was antithetical to the ‘natural, God-given rights’ theory had broadened Dan’s concept of central versus local governance. Constant bombardment by Glenn Beck and other conservative talk show hosts sealed the lesson.
The upshot was that after several months of study and analysis, Dan Rawlings, to his own surprise, had shifted his thinking, slowly becoming more open to the idea of secession as possibly the only way to truly start anew and restore the original principles. His approach was not directed at open, confrontational revolution, but instead, a reestablishment of the original founding concepts, thereby bringing America back to a nation based upon an equality of rights, rather than a nation striving for equality of condition, acquired at the expense of the more successful members of society.
After the presidential election, Dan had been contacted by several legislators from neighboring states, specifically Nevada, Arizona, and Oregon, who asked to meet with him to discuss California’s impending secession. He had agreed to their request, considerably encouraged by the fact that states he, and other political pundits, had assumed were solidly liberal in their thinking, including his own California, had suddenly developed a strong, vocal, moderate, if not conservative, voice.
When discussing the issue with his new wife, the former Nicole Bentley, a medically retired FBI agent Dan had met as a result of the presidential task force, he had expressed his feelings more openly.
“Nicole, I had no idea there were so many conservative thinkers in California. Even in other West Coast states.”
She’d laughed at his naivete. “Did you think that West Coast people were all airheads, part of the ‘anything goes’ crowd?”
Rebuffed, Dan joined in her laughter. “Maybe I did, despite my family’s long-standing conservative leanings. The media has duped me, I guess. They present their ideology as the ruling-and prevalent-philosophy.”
“My father told me something once, Dan,” Nicole continued. “Most conservative people are just that: conservative. They don’t advocate, press for change, rebel, or march in demonstrations. Not until they’re provoked. They are, in fact, what has been called the silent majority. But since they are silent, the liberals believe that because they’re not present, they don’t care, and the media promotes that perception. Then, when they do speak up, they’re called stupid because they can’t see the logic and intellectual superiority of the liberal position. Who do you think makes up the bulk of today’s Tea Party movement? No,” she said, shaking her head, “the conservatives are there. Just give them a reason to rear their head. Inform them, inspire them, and you’ll see the result. I think they’ve finally had enough of the ‘some work, all benefit’ attitude, the stereotypical one-sided liberal view of equality for all.”
On the flight to Las Vegas to meet with the other legislators, Dan recounted Nicole’s remarks while she cat-napped. The growth of the meeting, eight states now being represented, was ample evidence of her reasoning. Or was it? Notwithstanding a public display of a more openly conservative philosophy, both in rhetoric and action in their respective state legislative matters, these other elected state legislators had requested their meeting be held in confidentiality and had suggested they meet in late January, after the presidential inauguration. Were they ashamed of their involvement? That would become apparent soon enough, Dan thought as the plane began its descent into McCarran Airport.
By the time of the meeting, five additional western states-Alaska, Idaho, Montana, New Mexico, and Utah-had joined the convocation, and what later became known as the First Vegas Gathering was convened. To date, they had successfully kept their planned assembly low-key, confidential, and, at last count, limited to approximately thirty individuals, all current or former elected state officials, including one former governor. Most important to the group, they appeared to have succeeded in being undiscovered by the media.
Dan had not briefed California Governor Walter Dewhirst of the gathering. The governor had made it clear that Dan was to continue with his assignment to draft the new constitution, but Dewhirst had also made it clear that he was not going to run for public office again and was going to limit his involvement in the transition. He remained privately opposed to secession, and it was almost as if the governor was abdicating his responsibility to serve as the chief executive. Dan accepted this limitation and had proceeded almost unilaterally in his efforts to create a document that would contain the governing principles for the new Republic of California.
Nicole had come with Dan to Las Vegas, but was not going to attend the meeting of legislators. Although it was still January, southern Nevada was enjoying a warm spell, and the temperature was in the low seventies. The morning of the meeting, Nicole drew Dan to the window of their hotel suite.
“See that patch of sparkling blue water down there, with the scantily clad people all around the edges?” she said.
“Yeeessss,” he responded easily, dragging out his answer.
“That’s where I’ll be, Mr. Assemblyman. Don’t call me unless your group declares an insurrection.”
“Fair enough,” he replied. “I’ll join you when I can.”
“I won’t hold my breath,” she said, kissing his cheek and patting his behind as he left the room.
At nine A.M. on the last Tuesday in January, 2013, thirty-seven people convened in the Cascade Room at the Bellagio. Morning coffee, juice, and pastries were on the side table, and several people were speaking in small groups as Dan entered the room. Inasmuch as Dan had not initiated the gathering, he was not coordinating the meeting or the agenda. He had come by invitation prepared to discuss his current work on a new California constitution, but to date had received no request to speak or instruct. The meeting was, to Dan’s understanding, ad hoc.
Dan poured a cup of coffee and placed a sweet roll on a plate, taking a seat at one of the small tables placed around the room. Although the people in the room were state and local officials, rather than federal officers, several faces in the room were immediately recognizable as a result of their national prominence. Two other people, one male and one female, were already seated at his table. He introduced himself and they reciprocated. Both were from Oregon. Then three people seated near the front, two men and one woman, stood and moved to the rectangular table placed at the head of the room. The woman, one of those whom Dan recognized, remained standing as the two men took seats on either side of the table-top lectern.
“Good morning, everyone. My name is Joyce Jefferson,” she began. Everyone in the room knew her as the former governor of Arizona, presently dean of the James E. Rogers College of Law at the University of Arizona, and currently on the Board of Directors of the Black American Conservative Caucus. She had also served as lieutenant governor to President William Snow during his term as Arizona governor.
Ms. Jefferson was acknowledged as the great-great grandchild of Georgia slaves who had moved west shortly after the Civil War. Her published novel, A Colored Cowboy, had become a New York Times bestseller and recounted the life of her great-grandfather as he established his ranch in the Arizona territory in the early 1870’s.
“Let me introduce my associates this morning. On my left is Doctor Erasmus Hennington, Speaker of the House in the New Mexico state legislature. To my right is Donald Tompkins, attorney general for the state of Utah. Both gentlemen have agreed to moderate with me this morning as we commence our meeting.
“I must first acknowledge that I am not the originator of this gathering, nor was I involved with the smaller group who proposed the initial contact with Mr. Rawlings of California. Those three men are sitting to the front left of our gathering. Please, gentlemen, raise your hand to identify yourselves. Harry Philips, mayor of Eugene, Oregon; John Tustin, minority leader in the Oregon state legislature; and finally, Tim Pollock, lieutenant governor of the state of Nevada. When Mayor Philips contacted me, he asked that I moderate and choose two associates. I was pleased to be asked and honored to be here this morning. But before we proceed, I would like to acknowledge and express sympathy to those of you who were personally associated with President Cumberland. A most tragic circumstance.” She paused for a moment as the room remained silent.
“As I have said, I’m a latecomer to your assembly, as over half of us are today, but make no mistake, I come willingly. And, Mr. Rawlings,” Jefferson said, turning her head to look at the near table where Dan sat, “I come with admiration for what you and your California colleagues have been able to accomplish in so short a time. The political world was astonished at the boldness of California’s secession movement, but, like most politicians, we wrote it off as election hyperbole, a campaign ploy by Senator Malcolm Turner. How wrong we were.
“As recently as two months ago, I dare say that most of us in this room would not have even considered being part of a secession movement. Look around the room. We don’t all know each other, but a quick read of our sign-in list shows our diversity. There are thirty-seven people registered on this morning’s roll. We have twenty-two men and fifteen women. Nineteen are Republicans, fourteen are Democrats, and four are independents. I think it would be fair to say that over our careers, we have each been cast as either conservative or moderate… and some as just plain ornery,” she said to open laughter from the participants. “Even in our fledgling status, having barely gotten out the word regarding our intent, our eight states collectively represent about sixty million people, roughly twenty percent of the population of the United States. If Texas and Colorado join us-and I have reason to believe Texas would be with us in a heartbeat-that will increase to over ninety million people and about thirty percent of the nation’s population. I don’t doubt that by mid-year, long before we process our intentions regarding the formation of a new nation, nearly every state west of the Mississippi will join our movement.” She waited for a moment to allow her words to settle with the audience.
“Yes, I did say the formation of a new nation. Why else are we all here? As I said, all of us in this room are either conservative or moderate thinkers. What I like to call reasonable people, absent extreme rhetoric and ideology. I don’t think any of us would be accepted into the society of liberals. But from the moment we leave this room, our confidentiality, and perhaps even our credibility, will no longer be assured. We’ll be Tea Party lunatics. The concept we have met to discuss is too controversial. The ideas we’ll discuss are too volatile. And the purpose for which we are gathered is too important. When we complete this assembly, we’ll be committed to the track we’ve entered. So let’s be certain of our intent. Once we voice our agenda this morning and announce our intentions, we must each decide to remain or to withdraw. I don’t mean to suggest that it’s all or nothing-far from it. There will be ample room for debate, disagreement, compromise… after all, we’re politicians, right?” Again, more laughter.
“But perhaps I should start with what we are not about this morning. We are not about revolution. We do not seek the overthrow or disestablishment of the United States of America, nor the present government of our nation. Those are treasonous acts. But what I think we can agree upon is that we are for the reformation of a national government according to the original principles enacted by our nation’s Founding Fathers. We are for the establishment of equal opportunity for all people regardless of race, color, creed, and religious affiliation. Be clear about my meaning: I said opportunity, not entitlement. We are for the fulfillment of that historical promise of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, without the need for class-based prejudice, minority assured preference, or affirmative action programs to elevate one class of people over another in a misguided attempt to redress real or perceived historical assault on the rights of those particular groups. Ladies and gentlemen, we must not give lip service to those ideals. We must enact those principles without fear or favor. These are the core values we are gathered in this room to discuss. If you do not share these ideals, then this morning is the time to express your reservations and to speak your mind. This first gathering will cast us for or against these principles, at least in the minds of those media representatives and liberals dedicated to the elimination of any obstacle to their incremental socialist agenda. Those are the people who will swarm to the attack when they become aware of our objectives.
“Within this room, we have the cadre of leadership from the elected legislatures of eight states. I submit that within ninety days of the public announcement of our intentions, that number will swell.. and our enemies will mobilize. They will fight tooth and nail to deter our success. But be assured, ladies and gentleman, we do not seek revolution-we seek to resurrect the basic principles, eternal principles… God-given principles, that our forefathers enacted when this great nation was founded. I would be the first to acknowledge that it took America over one hundred years to extend that equality to everyone who lived here, my family included, but extend it they did. Then, over the past fifty years, these rights were rescinded, piece by piece, in a misguided attempt to ‘protect’ us from ourselves. Papa government and his liberal cousins wanted to make sure we had milk and bread, but they didn’t want us to learn how to raise the cow or grow the wheat. Our overly protective government stepped in to assure that the big bad wolf wouldn’t eat the babies. Absolute rubbish if you ask me,” she said, shaking her head. “In words taken from my great-grandmother’s journal, when the real wolves came near their cabin, ‘ ain’t nobody gunna’ eat this baby.’” The room began to applaud amidst laughter.
“If we restore the rights that the founders promised to all Americans, and we do so correctly, and, if we do so with increasing public support, this nation will once again be united in purpose and practice. What has been called for over a century the “Eastern Establishment” will probably not join with us. And again, make no mistake: they are formidable opponents. But I firmly believe that we can reverse the geographical formation of this nation we all love, moving from the west to the east this time. The only mountains we will have to cross in re-tracing our ancestors steps are the mounds of ignorance and deception that have grown over the last century.
“If all states do not choose to join us-and I doubt that they will-we will honor their right of self-determination. But I believe this fact with all my heart: within three years, the newly established Republic of Western America will be the majority government on the North American continent, stronger and more confident than ever before, both morally and economically.
“The task before us will not be easy. I believe it can be done and it can be done economically rather than militarily. I believe it must be done without force of arms, but with economic measures designed to withdraw financial support from the existing national structure and with the intent to return that financial control, to a large extent, to the individual states, to the lowest political level feasible with good oversight, thereby limiting the new national authority to a very small, defined set of responsibilities. We are going to enact a completely new redistribution of wealth, ladies and gentleman, not from the rich to the poor, but from the government to the people. And what will be the end result if we restore government to the people? The District of Columbia will no longer control the price of corn. Nor will they dictate that your seven-year-old child must learn the benefit of alternative lifestyles-at least, not before they are emotionally ready to make those choices. A one hundred-million-dollar appropriation for a new water treatment plant will no longer contain fifteen million dollars of unrelated earmarks for the favored few. And, no longer will Washington determine the extent to which God-anyone’s view of God-may be displayed in the public square.” Another round of applause greeted Jefferson’s comments.
“If we design this correctly, for the most part, government will be conducted at the lowest level to which adequate resource can be assembled to perform the function. Our new nation will immediately have vast tax resources, at greatly reduced levels, redirected from the USA to the RWA. A flat tax on income, or if we work it right, no personal income tax. A national sales tax, evenly applied, and many user-pays options to consider.
“So, let’s move forward, begin our discourse, and see what the future holds for our effort. I suggest that we ask Mr. Rawlings to take a few moments and describe what he has discovered in his current attempt to develop a constitutional document suitable for the governance of California. I submit that what we discuss here this morning is larger than California. Larger than any of us. Larger, in fact, than any single or collective group of people. Perhaps from Mr. Rawlings we can discover some ideas that can be applied to the new constitution for the Republic of Western America. After that, we can hold an open discussion and take it from there.” Jefferson paused a moment and scanned the room, her smile bright, her head nodding gently. “I admire your courage in convening this convocation. Once publicly acknowledged, many of us will be branded as foolish, rabble-rousers, and even stupid. Of course, stupid will only apply to the conservatives in the room,” Jefferson said, laughing at her own remark. “Thank you all for listening to me ramble this morning. I am encouraged. I am excited. And I am proud to be among you. Now, Mr. Rawlings, are you prepared to speak to us for a few moments? The floor is yours and we’re grateful for your attendance.”
“Tell me, Dan, what do you think of our results this morning?” Joyce Jefferson asked as they sat around a shaded table in the pool area outside the Bellagio. Nicole had joined the group, which included Nevada’s lieutenant governor and Utah’s attorney general.
Dan kept a straight face and reached for a bread roll, pausing to open a small, tinfoil butter packet. “I had thought that the California movement proceeded at lightning speed… until today. In four hours, we’ve just formed the basis for an entirely new nation and decided among ourselves to divorce the United States. Quite a morning’s work for thirty-seven people,” he concluded.
“And what do you think, Mrs. Rawlings?” Jefferson probed.
Nicole looked briefly at Dan and then back at Jefferson. “Governor, it’s a good thing I’m no longer an FBI agent. I’d have to report the possibility of a treasonous action being perpetrated within the confines of the famed Bellagio Casino in Las Vegas. As it is.. ”
Joyce Jefferson nodded. “Quite surprising, isn’t it? I’ve seen a lot in my lifetime, and I, too, find it hard to fathom what we’re proposing. Yet, what are the options? For several decades-at least, during my political career-we’ve incrementally moved down the road of liberalism, some even go so far as to call it socialism. Bit by bit, we haven’t even acknowledged the distance we’ve traveled from the original concept of American freedom-a people free to pursue their personal interest, to own property, to rise above their station. When Mayor Philips called me a few weeks ago and asked me to attend this gathering, I politely declined. I’ve not been known as a rebel, despite my years of advocacy for one cause or another. Compromise, negotiation, conciliation. Those were the tools of my success these many years. But the mayor asked me to take the long view… backwards. He asked me to consider where I was when the Civil Rights Act was passed in 1964. By the way,” she said, a sheepish grin forming on her face, “I tried to tell him I wasn’t born then, but he wouldn’t bite. He then asked me to consider how far minorities have come over the subsequent years. And he asked me to look beyond the success of those minority people, not just my own race, but Hispanics, Native Americans, even women. Then he dropped the bomb on my head. He said, ‘Joyce, how many of these success stories are celebrated if they are not in line with liberal thinking? How many black, Hispanic, or female leaders are celebrated by liberals or even female advocacy groups if they espouse conservative views? What is freedom of choice if not the right to oppose a view with which you don’t agree? And why is that opposition-that open debate-not acceptable today as it was originally?’” She paused, taking a drink of her iced tea, and looked away toward the people milling around the pool.
“I thought of Clarence Thomas and wondered why the first black conservative on the Supreme Court was not lauded by his people. And Condolezza Rice as National Security Advisor and then Secretary of State. Why did they not receive their accolade for achievement? Were they not deserving of their honor? Did they not rise above their birth station by their own merit? And is that not the reason we believe in the equality of humanity? No,” she said, shaking her head again, “liberals give lip service to minority rights. Minority success is lauded only if it conforms to the liberal slant of human rights. They believe in human entitlement, not human rights. And that’s why I’m here today. That’s why it’s my intention to pursue this agenda to fruition. It may cost me tenure at the university. It may end my political career. It may end all our political careers. But it’s the right thing to do, in my opinion.
“Mr. Rawlings,” Jefferson said, looking straight at Dan, “I would like to ask you to go with me to see President Snow. We’ve worked together before and I owe him a great deal. I want to address this with him before we go public, and, as our group decided this morning, we’re going to go public in early March ^ so we can place the issue on each states’ ballot for primaries this summer and the general election in November. But before we do that, I owe the president the courtesy of advance notice.”
“I’m flattered, Governor, but what can I add to your presentation?” Dan asked.
“Dan, much of America, for better or worse, recognizes you as representing California in their secession process. But I’d like the four of us to go, gentlemen. Utah, Arizona, Nevada, and California. Then I will feel that we have fulfilled our obligation to the president. I also want to assure him, and perhaps hear from him, that we-and he-will do everything in our power to prevent this from becoming a military affair. We do not want insurrection or bloodshed. Can I count on you three gentlemen?”
The small group was silent as they sat around the table for several seconds. Finally, Dan smiled. “I guess I’m sort of pregnant again,” he said. Nicole started to laugh, and Joyce Jefferson and the two men remained silent.
“Mr. Rawlings?” Jefferson asked, confused.
“I’ll explain it later, Governor Jefferson, but for the present, you can count on me to stand by your side in this venture. However, before you proceed down this road, I think you need to hear how California actually came to her conclusions about secession. The back story might not be as you’ve been led to believe.” Dan reached for Nicole’s hand and smiled at her, essentially seeking her confirmation that what he was proposing was correct. Seeing her slight nod, he turned again to Jefferson.
“Governor, gentlemen… Californians were duped.”